• Indigenous peoples in Palestine

    Indigenous peoples in Palestine

    The indigenous peoples of Palestine are the Jahalin, al-Kaabneh, al-Azazmeh, al-Ramadin and al-Rshaida Bedouins. Israel abstained from voting for the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and the indigenous peoples living in Palestine are still living with demolitions and confiscations of their property as well as restricted rights to movement.

The Indigenous World 2021: Palestine

Following Israel’s declaration of independence in 1948, the Jahalin Bedouin, together with four other tribes from the Negev Desert (al-Kaabneh, al-Azazmeh, al-Ramadin and al-Rshaida), took refuge in the West Bank, then under Jordanian rule. These tribes are traditionally semi-nomadic agro-pastoralists living in the rural areas around Hebron, Bethlehem, Jerusalem, Jericho and the Jordan Valley.

These areas are today part of the so-called “Area C” of the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), representing 60% of the West Bank. Under the 1995 Oslo Accords, Israel was granted temporary administrative and security control of Area C, which was due to be gradually returned to the Palestinian Authority by 1999.[1],[2] This never happened and today, 25 years after the Oslo Accords were signed, Israel retains near exclusive control of Area C, including over law enforcement, planning and construction. It is home to all West Bank Israeli settlements, industrial estates, military bases, firing ranges, nature reserves and settler-only by-pass roads, all under Israeli military control.

Over the years, Israel has dispossessed Palestinians of roughly 200,000 hectares of land, including farmland and pastureland, which it then generously allocated to settlements. Some 630,000 Israeli settlers currently live throughout the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) in over 200 settlements, enjoying nearly all the rights and privileges accorded to Israeli citizens living in Israel proper, inside the Green Line.[3] The recently launched Trump “Deal of the Century” recognises permanent Israeli possession of those settlements, in contravention of the landmark UN Security Council Resolution 2334 of 23 December 2016 which reaffirmed the illegality of Israeli settlements in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem.

The situation of the Indigenous Palestinian Bedouin refugees of 1948, some 27,000 pastoral herders living under full Israeli military control in Area C, is currently a major humanitarian issue. Most at risk are 7,000 Bedouin (60% of whom are children) living in 46 small communities in the Jerusalem Periphery. Donor-funded humanitarian structures (shelters, goat pens, water tanks, schools, solar panels, etc.) continue to be deliberately targeted for demolition and confiscation, and the war crime of forced displacement by Israeli authorities remains a constant threat.

Arms deals and demolitions

Indigenous issues in Israel-Palestine were mainstream yet as invisible as ever during 2020. De jure annexation was a major topic,[4] exacting international criticism at the highest levels.[5] That annexation was supposedly “prevented” by the Abraham Accords of the Trump Administration, since United Arab Emirates’ (UAE) communications boasted[6] of a “peace treaty” signed in order to stave off annexation.[7] Hawk eyes soon reported that, in Arabic, the agreement referred to cancelling annexation,[8] while in Hebrew the chosen word was “suspended”.[9] Meanwhile, the Israel-UAE “deal” enabled Abu Dhabi to acquire some 50 F-35 stealth fighters and other long-coveted military hardware from the United States,[10] characterising the treaty as more an arms deal than a peace accord, not least since Israel and the UAE have never waged war on each other and are said to have conducted covert business together for many years.[11], [12]

Despite UAE’s conviction that it had prevented annexation, de facto annexation by ongoing land grab, forcible displacement and continued colonisation has stormed ahead. Israeli military force continues to displace Palestinians, including Bedouin, especially in the Jordan Valley and South Hebron Hills. The pace of demolition, driven by the Israeli settlement enterprise, has been acute this past year, signalling no empathy for Palestinians made homeless in days of mid-winter or COVID-19. On 3 November, US Election Day, Israel demolished an entire village of Bedouin at Khirbet al-Humsa in the Jordan Valley,[13] destroying 83 structures including two solar panel systems, while displacing 73 people, 41 of whom were children, including a new-born baby.[14] As reported by The Independent: “This is despite indications from the Israeli authorities that such orders would be frozen, given the health implications hindering social distancing measures and lockdown amid the coronavirus pandemic.”[15]

The demolitions in the Jordan Valley corresponded with the stated aims of the Trump “Vision for Peace”:

Israel is given sovereignty over regions seen as important for its security: the Jordan Valley, the Jerusalem corridor, and the area that controls Israel's urban and economic centre, namely Gush Dan and Ben Gurion International Airport. In total area, Israel receives 30% of the West Bank (according to Israel's account), including 115 of the 130 Israeli settlements in the West Bank and 97% of the settlers living there.[16]

Israel was therefore apparently either staking out that claim by working to remove Indigenous Palestinian Bedouin living there or testing the water to see what response would come from the USA (fully absorbed in its contentious election) or the international community.[17] Indeed, strong words were issued[18] but no price-tag was added to those statements, as ever. Adv. Michael Sfard, a leading Israeli human rights lawyer, wrote in Haaretz:[19]

The increase in demolishing Palestinian buildings is achieved under pressure by settler organizations, by an unprecedented investment of manpower and resources for the purpose, and the formulation of truncated procedures for demolitions. In other words, the procedural rights of residents who aspired to challenge the demolition of their homes was sharply reduced, and legal procedures launched to stop demolition orders from being implemented were accelerated, all in order to increase the inventory of structures that can be demolished. If the Israeli government continues to enjoy the de facto immunity of the transition period, and if the transition period lasts long enough, Area C in the West Bank will undergo significant change, primarily acceleration of the present process of causing the Palestinian presence to vanish. Or, in less forgiving words: the ethnic cleansing will accelerate.

Confirming this opinion was news of the Israeli government budgeting a further USD 6.2 million to monitor “unauthorised Palestinian building” in Area C through the purchase of drones, such as those already in use by Regavim[20] and “erecting fences and closing off various areas, building roads and purchasing electronic monitoring devices.”[21]

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) reports in its overall statistics of forcible displacement for 2020 that 393 people from Bedouin herding communities were displaced by demolitions in Area C, with 2,543 people affected by those demolitions. The demolition of Khirbet al Humsa on 3 November 2020 contributed towards making November’s statistics the worst of the year: the Israeli authorities demolished, forced people to demolish, or seized 178 Palestinian-owned structures across the West Bank; the highest such figure in a single month since UNOCHA began systematically documenting this practice in 2009.[22]

These demolitions, which according to international law experts run contrary to International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and human rights principles,[23] throw into distinct focus the limitations of international law when UN member states such as Israel violate it, and other UN member states such as the US choose to ignore it. The lack of accountability for demolitions and other violations in Area C is exacerbated by the overdue ruling from the International Criminal Court (ICC). Moreover, most of Area C (having been due for return to Palestine by 1999) is now being claimed by the Israeli right-wing as “state lands”, which they accuse the Palestinian Authority (PA) and the EU of stealing.[24] The fact that a settler NGO, Regavim (describing itself as a “think tank and lobbying group dedicated to the protection and preservation of Israel’s sovereignty” and founded by far-right member of the Knesset, Bezalel Smotrich), is partly funded by the Israeli government[25], [26] starkly reflects its true status. Yet its members and supporters ignore the human suffering they are causing, while claiming they are “simply upholding the law”.

The case of al-Khan al-Ahmar

On 15 December 2020, UNOCHA launched its Humanitarian Response Plan on Facebook.[27] The director of Regavim’s international division trolled humanitarians attending the virtual launch, presumably feigning innocence (without channelling the fact that Regavim is, for example, petitioning the High Court for immediate demolition of al-Khan al-Ahmar and its iconic “car tyres” school):

Was this school built legally? Does it have any sewage, water, electricity? Has the Civil Administration been involved in its construction? Is there a safe school in Area B nearby? How many people live in the “community” this school serves? Perhaps a better use of resources would be a school bus?

A humanitarian worker responded:

The closest school for the particular community is several km away - a difficult trek/walk for students to walk to and from school, particularly in the winter months. To reach the area, children would have to walk across highways, through a rock mini quarry and hills. The specific school in Ras Al-Tin provides education for 50 students within those communities. The school has very basic WASH (sanitation) facilities.

The response:Perhaps applying for a construction permit would ensure normal conditions for these children - sewage and electricity, Internet and playground, pavement and access road?”

UNICEF Palestine responded: “Irrespective of planning laws, which themselves may be in contravention of international law, children have a right to education.”

The humanitarian replied: “Well said UNICEF, and recalling that destruction of property, irrespective of motive, and absent military necessity, is prohibited, and conducted in an extensive and wanton fashion, would be a grave breach of IHL, to which Israel is accountable.”

Yet that same Regavim spokesperson in 2018, at the High Court, during a hearing on the demolition of al-Khan al-Ahmar, spoke contemptuously about Indigenous Bedouin, the refugee desert-dwellers living in Area C: “It’s the 21st century. Everyone moves to cities. They have to accept that as a fact of life.”[28] At a time when cities are increasingly seen as reservoirs of COVID-19 and major sources of carbon emissions, the fact that to date only two Bedouin, living in rural communities, have succumbed to the virus should render such an opinion highly questionable in 2021. Indeed, they who undertake “law-fare” as a policy for forcible displacement often themselves live in homes built illegally in settlements.[29], [30]

The lawyer for al-Khan al-Ahmar’s Bedouin, Adv. Tawfiq Jabareen, stated in his summation of the November 2020 hearing: “We are trying to solve the problem of Khan al-Ahmar by an outline plan that we submitted before two years to the Israeli legal system and they refused to deal with it.”[31] The issue of the Civil Administration planning committee refusing in 2018 to review the Bedouin’s master plan (while informing the High Court that the committee meeting had taken place, as if it had “gone by the book”) suggests a deeply flawed system in such cases.

The Israeli government highlights the lack of Israeli-issued building permits when demolishing or forcing Palestinians to destroy homes and sources of livelihood but the UN and rights groups refer to the fact that these are almost impossible for Palestinians to obtain. Yvonne Helle, a senior UNDP official in the Palestinian territories, criticised the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories’ (COGAT)[32] reasoning for demolishing the entire village of Khirbet al-Humsa, some of which had been donated as humanitarian aid: “The lack of Israeli-issued building permits is typically cited as a reason, even though, due to the restrictive and discriminatory planning regime, Palestinians can almost never obtain such permits. Demolitions are a key means of creating an environment designed to coerce Palestinians to leave their homes.”[33]

Such a planning regime does indeed have that ulterior motive – as evidenced by both Regavim’s and the State’s position when responding in the High Court: to move Palestinians out of Area C into Areas A and B, leaving Israel with the 60% of the West Bank cleansed of its Palestinian inhabitants. This is an area where the main water sources are already weaponised under Israeli control, in which farmland (and therefore the Palestinian food basket) is located, together with strategic assets such as access to Jerusalem and its tourism revenues, Dead Sea minerals, the Jordanian border (i.e. Palestinian state sovereignty, since borders define states,[34] with Israeli control of the Allenby Bridge border denying Palestine its border control, a quintessential exercise of sovereignty[35]), and which has a territorial and transport contiguity that makes today’s 620,000 settlers so totally integrated into “mainstream” Israel (inside the internationally recognised “Green Line” border), especially through the huge Israeli highway system extending into occupied territory. Trump’s “vision” of gifting 30% of the West Bank might therefore be wrapped in the language of “economic peace” but closer scrutiny reveals policies of deliberate de-development premised on serious breaches of international law.

Criticism of Israel’s policies

Those Israeli policies, especially of demolition, have been met with harsh words by the international community present in Israel, Palestine and the capitals. For example the EU has unequivocally stated:

Israeli domestic laws, creating the basis for the claims to evict the families, do not exempt Israel, as the occupying power, from meeting its obligations to administer the occupied territory in a manner that provides for and protects the local population. Israel has not acquired sovereignty over the territory in the course of its administration. In line with the EU’s long-standing position on Israel’s settlement policy, illegal under international law, and actions taken in that context, such as forced transfers, evictions, demolitions and confiscations of homes, the EU calls on the Israeli authorities to reverse the rulings on the intended evictions. The EU missions in Jerusalem and Ramallah recall the successive Foreign Affairs Council Conclusions and statements in which the EU has repeated its strong opposition to Israel's settlement policy and actions taken in this context, including evictions. This policy is illegal under international law and its continuation undermines the viability of the two-state solution, the prospect for a lasting peace and seriously jeopardizes the possibility of Jerusalem serving as the future capital of both States.[36]

When inaugurating a new school in Area C, funded by the EU and French Development, EU Representative, Sven Kühn von Burgsdorff, echoed this reading of international law: “We also repeat our call on the Israeli authorities, as the occupying power, to respect their obligations under international humanitarian law, with a view to ensuring the welfare of the Palestinian population under their control.”

The EU press release added:

This newly inaugurated school building is part of the EU and Member States’ support to developmental interventions in Area C. All EU activity in the West Bank is fully in line with international humanitarian law. The EU provides humanitarian assistance to communities in need in Area C in accordance with the humanitarian imperative. The EU also works with the Palestinian Authority to develop Area C and support Palestinian communities. This includes projects promoting economic development and improving the quality of life of Palestinian communities in the areas of private sector development, environment and agriculture.[37]

It comes as no surprise that 43 Palestinian schools in Area C and eight in East Jerusalem bear Israeli demolition orders.[38] What is perhaps surprising is how many settlement units, including in Kfar Adumim, al-Khan al-Ahmar’s neighbour, are without permits (150 were cited in court by al-Khan al-Ahmar’s lawyer), as are the homes of Regavim’s staff.[39] Or, as J Street (a US-based organisation “created to serve as the political home and voice for pro-Israel, pro-peace Americans”[40]) states:

The demolitions and displacement brought on by settlement expansion inflict a heart-breaking, incalculable cost on the individual communities that are targeted — destroying the lives of families simply trying to build a better future. In the long run, by obstructing progress towards a two-state solution, the settlement expansion and displacement advanced by Regavim also exacerbates conflict and imperils the future of both Israelis and Palestinians. [41]

As for the invisible Bedouin: the November 2020 High Court hearing of Regavim’s petition calling for the immediate demolition of al-Khan al-Ahmar gave the Israeli government until July 2021 to respond. Speculation suggests the government may wish to avoid antagonising the incoming Biden Administration. Or wait until after Israel’s March elections. Or until a new system, now being developed, for registering “state lands” in Area C is instituted, in order to undermine Bedouin claims that they are living on privately-owned Palestinian land, leased from its owners.

The High Court ruling came after a three-hour session, an hour of which was behind closed doors. The court failed to facilitate attendance by the Bedouin themselves or allow for a postponement until such time as they could attend; due to COVID-19, only 17 members of the public were allowed to enter the court – so none of those diplomats present witnessed the proceedings either. One thing is certain: the court issued no injunctions against demolition orders active on every structure at al-Khan al-Ahmar, including the school. The military visited the village next morning, reviewing every structure. Ergo, demolition could take place at any time.



Angela Godfrey-Goldstein is Director of Jahalin Solidarity, a Palestinian organisation she set up to support Jahalin Bedouin with capacity raising and advocacy, especially as to their forcible displacement, and against the Israeli Occupation. She was for many years Action Advocacy Officer with ICAHD – The Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions, having previously been an environmental activist in Sinai, Egypt, where she lived for four years. She was a Rebuilding Alliance Peacemaker awardee 2018. A chapter she wrote about her work for the past 20 years with Bedouin was published in 2018 by Veritas in “Defending Hope”. In 2021, she was awarded the Human Rights and Child Education category winner in the www.blueprints.org Hall of Fame, as part of their World Indigenous Forum event, where she serves on The Council of 90.

This article is part of the 35th edition of The Indigenous World, a yearly overview produced by IWGIA that serves to document and report on the developments Indigenous Peoples have experienced.  Find The Indigenous World 2021 in full here

 Notes and references

[1] Peace Agreements & Related. “Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (Oslo II).” 28 September 1995. https://www.refworld.org/docid/3de5ebbc0.html

[2] Pundak, Ron. ”Decoding Bibi’s West Bank Agenda.” Haaretz, 1 August 2012. https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/decoding-bibi-s-west-bank-agenda-1.5275189

[3] B’Tselem. “Expel and Exploit: The Israeli Practice of Taking over Rural Palestinian Land”. December 2016. https://www.btselem.org/publications/summaries/201612_expel_and_exploit

[4] B’Tselem. ”With or without flights to Abu Dhabi, Israel annexed the West Bank long ago.” 27 October 2020. https://www.btselem.org/press_releases/20201027_the_annexation_that_was_and_still_is

[5] Liebermann, Oren, and Abeer Salman. ”UN and EU slam Israel after West Bank demolition leaves 73 Palestinians homeless.” CNN, 5 November 2020. https://edition.cnn.com/2020/11/05/middleeast/israel-west-bank-khirbet-humsa-intl/index.html

[6] Federman, Josef, Jon Gambrell, and Matthew Lee. ”UAE to establish diplomatic relations with Israel to halt annexation of occupied West Bank lands.” Chicago Tribune, 13 August 2020. https://www.chicagotribune.com/nation-world/ct-nw-israel-uae-diplomatic-relations-20200813-brnte7wasncalme6fkj7ksk3ey-story.html

[7] MEE and agencies. ”UAE official says annexation of West Bank will not end normalisation deal.” Middle East Eye, 1 September 2020. https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/uae-admits-annexation-wont-collapse-deal

[8] al-Mughrabi, Nidal, and Dan Williams. ”Stop or suspend West Bank annexation? Devil in the detail for Israel-UAE deal.” Reuters, 2 September 2020. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-israel-emirates-usa-communique-idUSKBN25T2FE

[9] Middle East Monitor. “UAE envoy says Israel postponed West Bank annexation for normalisation deal.” 28 September 2020. https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20200928-uae-envoy-says-israel-postponed-west-bank-annexation-for-normalisation-deal

[10] Turak, Natasha. ”UAE to get its first Reaper drones, clinches F-35 deal as Trump administration pushes through final arms sales.” CNBC, 12 November 2020. https://www.cnbc.com/2020/11/12/uae-set-to-get-its-first-reaper-drones-clinch-f-35-deal-as-trump-administration-pushes-through-final-arms-sales-.html

[11] Bowen, Jeremy. ”Five reasons why Israel’s peace deals with the UAE and Bahrain matter.” BBC, 14 September 2020. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-54151712

[12] Guzansky, Yoel, and Ari Heistein. ”Is the Israel-UAE agreement a game changer for Israel?” Middle East Institute, 16 September 2020. https://www.mei.edu/publications/israel-uae-agreement-game-changer-israel

[13] Aljazeera. ”Israeli army razes entire village in occupied West Bank.” 4 November 2020. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/11/4/israeli-troops-raze-an-entire-village-in-occupied-west-bank

[14] Magid, Jacob. ”Already neglected, Jordan Valley Palestinians fear Trump plan will confine them.” The Times of Israel, 12 June 2020. https://www.timesofisrael.com/already-neglected-jordan-valley-palestinians-fear-trump-plan-will-confine-them/

[15] Foreign Desk. ”Largest Israeli demolition in a decade displaces dozens of Palestinians in the West Bank.” Independent, 4 November 2020. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/israel-west-bank-demolition-palestine-netanyahu-un-b1590169.html

[16] The White House. ”Peace to Prosperity.” January 2020. https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/Peace-to-Prosperity-0120.pdf

[17] Tirza, Dan. ”Among the Maps: President Trump’s Vision vs. An Israeli Proposal.” Washington Institute, 14 August 2020. https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/among-maps-president-trumps-vision-vs-israeli-proposal

[18] Department of Foreign Affairs, Ireland. ”Statement by Minister Coveney on demolitions in the West Bank. 6 November 2020. https://www.dfa.ie/news-and-media/press-releases/press-release-archive/2020/november/statement-by-minister-coveney-on-demolitions-in-the-west-bank.php

[19] Sfard, Michael. ”Gantz, Stop the Ethnic Cleansing in the West Bank.” Haaretz, 31 December 2020. https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-gantz-stop-the-ethnic-cleansing-in-the-west-bank-1.9414960

[20] Hass, Amira. ”Settlers Control the Drones. The Israeli Army Then Pulls the Trigger.” Haaretz, 4 January 2021. https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-settlers-control-the-drones-the-israeli-army-then-pulls-the-trigger-1.9423245

[21] Shezaf, Hagar. ”Israel to Fund Drones, Patrol Units to Monitor Unauthorized Palestinian Construction.” Haaretz, 31 December 2020. https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-israel-to-fund-drones-patrol-units-to-monitor-unauthorized-palestinian-construction-1.9415601

[22] OCHA Occupied Palestinian Territory. ”West Bank demolitions and displacement.” November 2020. https://www.ochaopt.org/content/west-bank-demolitions-and-displacement-november-2020

[23] Boutruche, Théo, and Marco Sassòli. ”Expert Opinion on the Occupier’s Legislative Power over an Occupied Territory Under IHL in Light of Israel’s On-going Occupation.” June 2017. https://www.nrc.no/globalassets/pdf/legal-opinions/sassoli.pdf

[24] Regavim. ”The Roots of Evil: Land Theft in Area C is Creating a De Facto Palestinian State.” Last modified November 2018. https://www.regavim.org/the-roots-of-evil-land-theft-in-area-c-is-creating-a-de-facto-palestinian-state

[25] Bob, Yonah Jeremy. ”Right-wing NGO using Israeli state funds to fight gov’t in High Court.” The Jerusalem Post, 21 November 2017. https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/right-wing-ngo-using-israeli-state-funds-to-fight-govt-in-high-court-514820

[26] Berger, Yotam. ”How Israeli Taxpayers Are Funding a Right-wing NGO Dedicated to Getting Palestinians Evicted. Haaretz, 19 January 2018. https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/israeli-right-wing-ngo-regavim-gets-millions-of-shekels-in-public-fund-1.5744933

[27] United Nations OCHA Occupied Palestinian Territory. ”Launch of the 2021 Humanitarian Response Plan.” Facebook, 15 December 2020. https://fb.watch/2L3e8kLzMR/

[28] Schwartz, Yehuda Alain. ”Facebook Live.” Facebook, 1 August 2018. https://www.facebook.com/yehuda.schwartz/videos/10157777276889498

[29] Ahronoth, Yedioth. ”7 Days.” 6 June 2018. http://docs.wixstatic.com/ugd/cdb1a7_a8795a3be9b84f078c4c9e78aef00a09.pdf

[30] Google Maps. ”Regavim.” 2021. https://www.google.com/maps/d/u/0/viewer?mid=1hj8rZx62sxCQN8T-_2bYrOXRtnD9dMkM&ll=31.694701286117663%2C35.1956493197697&z=10

[31] AP Archive. ”MEEX MEA Court.” 29 November 2020. http://www.aparchive.com/metadata/MEEX-MEA-Court/7038c41cde684fbdaf378108b4cfe432

[32] COGAT – Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories

[33] Liebermann, Oren, and Abeer Salman. ”UN and EU slam Israel after West Bank demolition leaves 73 Palestinians homeless.” CNN, 5 November 2020. https://edition.cnn.com/2020/11/05/middleeast/israel-west-bank-khirbet-humsa-intl/index.html

[34] Nail, Thomas. Review of the politics of borders: Sovereignty, security, and the citizen after 9/11, by Matthew Longo. Contemporary Political Theory, 19, 3 (2020): S206-S209. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/s41296-019-00316-0

[35] Ferris, Elizabeth, and Susan F. Martin. “Border Security, Migration Governance & Sovereignty.” Perry World House, 8 December 2017. https://global.upenn.edu/perryworldhouse/blog/border-security-migration-governance-sovereignty

[36] The Office of the European Union Representative (West Bank and Gaza Strip, UNRWA). “Local EU statement on the imminent risk of eviction of Palestinian families in East Jerusalem.” 11 December 2020. https://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/palestine-occupied-palestinian-territory-west-bank-and-gaza-strip/90415/local-eu-statement-imminent-risk-eviction-palestinian-families-east-jerusalem_en

[37] Consulate General of France in Jerusalem. “Inauguration of the Furush Beit Dajan school in zone C.” 23 September 2020. https://jerusalem.consulfrance.org/Inauguration-de-l-ecole-de-Furush-Beit-Dajan-en-zone-C

[38] OCHA, ReliefWeb. “Schools under the risk of demolition in the West Bank 2019.” 22 June 2020. https://reliefweb.int/map/occupied-palestinian-territory/schools-under-risk-demolition-west-bank-2019

[39] Ahronoth, Yedioth. ”7 Days.” 6 June 2018. http://docs.wixstatic.com/ugd/cdb1a7_a8795a3be9b84f078c4c9e78aef00a09.pdf

[40] J Street. “The political home of pro-Israel, pro-peace Americans.” 2021. https://jstreet.org/

[41] Schinazi, Yann. “The Hypocrisy of Regavim- The Settler Movement’s Cheerleader for Demolitions.” J Street, 13 June 2018. https://jstreet.org/the-hypocrisy-of-regavim-the-settler-movements-cheerleader-for-demolitions/#.X_DKTtgzY2w



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